Azercell triggers initiatives on protection of children’s rights

The Company’s project on the occasion of the 1stof June – The International Day for Protection of Children is being organized with the partnership of Park Boulevard Women’s International Democratic Federation’s congress held in 1949 decided to commemorate the 1st of June as The International Day of Protection of Children. As in the most countries of the world, the day is celebrated in Azerbaijan as well.

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Race Studies Conference Discusses ‘White Rage,’ ‘Becky’

The University of New Mexico is hosting a social justice conference this week with speakers discussing racism, colonization, and white “anti-racism” in education.

According to the event flyer, the focus of the conference is to discuss “colonization being endemic in society and its connections to anti-indigeneity, antiblackness, anti-brownness, anti-immigration, anti-LGTBQ and anti-dis/ability rhetoric; discourses deeply rooted in the social fabric of the U.S.”

The Critical Race Studies in Education Association Conference is a three-day event sponsored by the Critical Race Studies in Education Association, several UNM departments, and social justice organizations like the Partnership for Community Action (PCA).

CRSEA is made up of an “interdisciplinary consortium of experts” who wish to “identify and expose inequities for the ultimate eradication of white supremacy” by “countering and combating systemic and structural racism with scholarship,” according to its website.

The conference agenda lists social justice lectures primarily focused on race and education, such as “Antiblackness, White Rage, and the Threat to White School Space,” “Confronting white supremacist ideology in everyday campus life,” and “Undoing Colonization America’s Greatest Mind F**k.”

Other panels focus specifically on white women, such as “Examining Becky and the White Hegemonic Alliance” and “How college creates Becky: White women’s racism in higher education.”

UNM has supports other social justice efforts both on and off campus, as well, and recently announced a new graduate certificate program in Race & Social Justice. The courses that fulfill requirements for the certificate come from a variety of departments, including law, sociology, and women’s studies.

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The post Race Studies Conference Discusses ‘White Rage,’ ‘Becky’ appeared first on American Renaissance.

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Rep. Jenkins Help Secure Funding For National Coal Heritage Area Authority

Through his work on the House Appropriations Committee, U.S. Representative Evan Jenkins has helped secure an increase in funding for the National Coal Heritage Area Authority. The National Coal Heritage Area Authority will receive $327,720 in Fiscal Year 2018 from the National Park Service through the Heritage Partnership Program.

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Wisemantel ready to lock horns with England head coach Jones

Wisemantel has renewed his long-standing partnership with Jones dating back to 2004 after being appointed on a five-week contract to revitalise the Red Rose’s attack for next month’s tour to South Africa. By Jones’ own admission, England’s offensive game has stalled following a dynamic first half of his reign, resulting in the recruitment of his Australian compatriot, with whom he worked with while coaching the Wallabies and Japan.

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Big Horn Armory Selects Adaptive Tactical as OEM Stock Provider

The Adaptive Tactical EX Performance Stock has been added to Big Horn Armory’s AR500 Rifle. 

Big Horn Armory AR500 Semi-Auto Rifle
Big Horn Armory AR500 Semi-Auto Rifle

Nampa, Idaho –-(Ammoland.com)- Adaptive Tactical, LLC, manufacturers of innovative firearm stocks and accessories, is proud to announce a partnership with Big Horn Armory. Adaptive Tactical has been selected as Big Horn Armory’s OEM EX Performance stock provider of choice for their AR500 semi-auto rifle.

The AR500 semi-auto rifle is a specialty high-end rifle built by Big Horn Armory in Wyoming. It is chambered in 500 auto max cartridge and is the most powerful short range semi-auto in the world. Based on an AR308 platform, the AR500 is capable of putting 50 BMG power on target with three trigger pulls with very reliable extraction.

“Adaptive Tactical’s EX Performance stock was chosen for Big Horn Armory’s AR500 rifle because it offers an estimated 30 percent felt recoil reduction over the nearest competitor. It is an extremely well made and durable buttstock that is perfectly suited to the recoil of the AR500,” commented Greg Buchel, President of Big Horn Armory.

The EX Performance M4-Style Stock is a high-impact polymer, collapsible, adjustable stock. The EX Performance M4-Style Stock includes an easy-to-reach rapid adjust lever for custom length-of-pull, giving the user better trigger control and performance capabilities. It also includes an integrated QD swivel attachment and molded in non-rust sling swivel attachment for secure mounting to various sling systems. A durable polymer construction with non-slip rubber recoil pad allows for maximum recoil absorption. The oversized extra strength adjustment pin and sleek industrial design makes this the perfect addition to your carbine.

Adaptive Tactical EX Performance M4-Style stock
Adaptive Tactical EX Performance M4-Style stock

“We are very happy to have been chosen by Big Horn Armory as their OEM stock provider for the AR500. Our stocks use an advanced design and high-impact, polymer construction that make this the ideal upgrade. Pairing our recoil reducing stock with the innovative AR500 is an ideal combination of performance and function,” commented Gary Cauble, VP of sales and marketing for Adaptive Tactical.

The EX Performance M4-Style Stock Features:

  • Designed for owner installation
  • M4-style stock with adjustable length-of-pull
  • Easy to reach rapid adjust lever
  • Integrated QD swivel attachment
  • Compatible with Mil-Spec sized extension tubes
  • Dimensions: 2” x 6” x 6 ¼”
  • Weight: 0.8 lbs.

Adaptive Tactical knows what their customers want and is continually striving to provide innovative, unique products for the range and at home. Interested to learn more about OEM opportunities with Adaptive Tactical? Call us at 208-442-8000.

To learn more about Big Horn Armory and the advanced features of the AR500 semi-auto rifle, visit www.bighornarmory.com. For more information on Adaptive Tactical, or for dealer inquiries, visit www.adaptivetactical.com.


About Adaptive Tactical, LLC:Adaptive Tactical Logo

Adaptive Tactical’s design team, a proven leader in firearm stock and accessory innovation, led the way in award winning recoil dampening shotgun and rifle stocks and accessories. Manufacturers of the popular Sidewinder Venom™ mag-fed shotgun system and ADTAC stock systems, Adaptive offers products focused on improving speed, performance and versatility for military, LE, defense, range and competition applications. www.adaptivetactical.com

 

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Presbyterian College Partners with Akademos to Address Textbook Affordability for Students

“I am excited about the new partnership between PC and Akademos for our online bookstore,” said Don Raber, Provost, Presbyterian College. “I believe students will value the variety of formats, delivery options, and flexibility on buyback that Akademos provides…” Presbyterian College has selected Akademos as its online bookstore provider to help students save on course materials.

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Has the Iraqi presidency become a PUK slush fund? – AEI – American Enterprise Institute: Freedom, Opportunity, Enterprise

Political jockeying is well underway in Baghdad, as Iraqi political leaders seek the magic political formula which will enable formation of the Iraqi government. While a Shi’ite will take the premiership, Iraq’s most powerful post, the jockeying is on for other plum positions. Beyond key ministries—Foreign Affairs, Oil, and Defense, for example—two of the top prizes are the presidency and speakership of the parliament.

PUK Iraqi elections

Kurdish supporters of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) celebrate after the closing of ballot boxes during the parliamentary election in Kirkuk, Iraq, May 12, 2018. Reuters

For nearly a decade after post-Saddam Iraq’s first elections in 2005, Jalal Talabani held the presidency. While the speakership is more powerful, the Kurds wanted the presidency for two reasons: First, was its symbolic value given the efforts by Arab nationalists in general and Saddam Hussein’s Baathist regime in particular to deny Kurds’ cultural identity and their place as equal citizens in Iraq. And, second, a Kurdish presidency for Iraq neatly bypassed one of the bigger problems in Iraqi Kurdistan: the rivalry between Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) leader Masoud Barzani and Talabani, who broke away from the KDP in 1975 to form the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). If Talabani was in Baghdad, then Barzani could be the undisputed leader in Kurdistan.

That division continued after Talabani’s incapacitation and eventual death. Fuad Masum, a co-founder of the PUK and a long-time PUK functionary, succeeded Talabani as president in 2014. While Talabani made the most of the position—serving as a much needed intermediary among Iraq’s disparate political groups at a time of much tension and violence—Masum has largely been quiet and, on the Iraqi political scene, a complete non-entity.

His quiet, however, is expensive: In the last year, the Iraqi budget allocated the presidency about 51 billion Iraqi dinars, almost $43 million. While some of that covers salaries for immediate staff, at a time of austerity in Iraq caused by years of war and depressed oil prices, it is not clear how that money has been spent. In theory, the presidency is subject to annual audits of its spending and must provide receipts and open its books, but many Iraqis say this has not been done in several years, if ever. Instead, they accuse the PUK leadership of now using the presidency as a cash cow. While Iraqi politicians are prone to exaggeration, some Kurdish officials say that Masum takes home a $50,000 per month salary and Hero Ibrahim Ahmed, Talabani’s widow and controller of PUK finances, assumes control over the rest. In effect, the Iraqi presidency then becomes a slush fund to support the extravagant lifestyle of PUK leaders at a time when many Iraqi Kurds still do not receive full salaries or back pay.

What does this scheme mean for Iraq and the Kurds? Most Kurds voted on May 12 in the hope of achieving the most favorable partnership with the federal government in Baghdad. PUK negotiators, however, appear less interested in legislative influence and power than access to finances. This is why Kurdish negotiators seem so dead-set against swapping the presidency and speakership with members of the Sunni Arab community.

But even if the Kurds decide to push for the presidency, access to what has become a slush fund may be the primary motivation for the position, rather than the best position and a figure able to transform the honorifics of the post into a catalyst for communal peace and reconciliation. The KDP has put party above all else in its apparent push to put Fazil Mirani, a man with a checkered legal and moral past. But Mirani’s nomination is likely more a negotiating ploy than a serious push; Barzani can then extract concessions from the PUK elsewhere conceding. The PUK, meanwhile is reportedly pushing for Latif Rashid, Talabani’s brother-in-law, a move that would put the presidency’s budget even closer under family control.

Corruption is endemic in Iraq, and the election system makes it worse. While most Iraqis condemn corruption and seek to punish the corrupt at the polls, it is the corrupt party leaders which then put together a government based on the numbers of seats won. Instantly, their motivation shifts from change to protection of the status quo.

It is against this backdrop, then, that the Iraqi parliament, integrity commission, and all party leaders should insist that the right to audit be exercised, not only for the forthcoming administration but forensically for the Masum and Talabani administrations. Certainly, not even Qubad Talabani, younger son of the late president, should disagree given his frequent rhetoric about transparency. Simply put, the discrepancy between the official budget and the salaries of staff (at least those who are not ghost employees) appears too high by an order of magnitude. The Iraqi presidency should be about more than lining pockets of relatives or party leaders.

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